Garikuka Art Project

Since 2000, Art Villa Garikula has been improving its original project to create an art center in the countryside where professionals and students can meet to exchange ideas about art techniques and design. Created by Karaman Kutateladze, with support from the government, the project remains focused on Garikula.

The Art Villa was created from very humble beginnings. Artists came from the busy streets of Tbilisi in order to express themselves in a beautiful place where vineyards and orchards grow patiently in the sun. A few years and some renovations later, Garikula became a home for artists, fulfilling the initial plans for the space. Artists have habitually come to the region since the 19th century and one of the main buildings in Garikula was built in 1885 by a Polish man called Bolgarsky, who thought this place was healthy for him. Later on the building was owned by Vera Beletskaya, an aquarellist, who was expropriated in 1923 by the Soviets and finally, during the Soviet era, Garikula was dedicated to children.

For Kutateladze, Art Villa Garikula is a project that Georgia and Georgians need. In fact Kutateladze’s family roots are interwoven within art in Georgia, from Kirill and Ilya Zdanevich to Apollon Kutateladze, founder of the Tbilisi Art Academy.

“We have to educate people in arts, because if we don’t, they will choose [violence]. It’s better to hold a video camera than a Kalashnikov gun,” Kutateladze said. “Art Villa Garikula’s project is a way to integrate Georgia within the international artistic community.”

The Georgian government has supported the project since the beginning and the main building is state property, which has a contract that has been passed between state authorities and the artists’ fund.

“Without support from the state, it would not have been possible. Our relation is a model of partnership between the state and an NGO,” a local artist said.

Year long, international events are organized in Art Villa Garikula. Artists come from all over the world, including from the U.S., Austria, France, Canada, Italy, and meet for a festival in Kaspi’s valley. “Festinova　2009,” the big annual art festival, took place in early November, but next year it will be held in early October, due to weather conditions.

For four years now, Kutateladze has tried to organize a festival with Russian, French and Italian artists. The festival would combine art, gastronomy and wine.

“Now we are trying to make a virtual project because it is not possible to hold it in Georgia or Russia.” Kutateladze said. “The idea is to create, not to destroy. But there is political pressure that prevents us from organizing such a happening.”

Recent history is not helping Kutateladze’s art project develop with his northern neighbor any faster, but he said he still hopes the festival can move forward.

“You know, Putin’s project is old fashioned; it is a caricature of an old political project. We don’t know what is going to happen with this giant country. They have weapons, natural resources; they are dangerous,” Kutateladze said. “In Georgia, we remember when we weren’t able to leave the country, and nobody wants that anymore.　Garikula’s project is small but it can help make things change,”

Current trends in Georgian contemporary art mirror Georgia’s history, according to Kutateladze, who said post-modernistic art doesn’t exist in Georgia.

“We don’t have the same history as Western countries. Europe has to understand our state of mind, between the Soviet Union and now. We are not post-modernists; we live in a post-socialist realism,” Kutateladze said

In fact, Georgian art history is not really known in Europe and Kutateladze laments this fact saying “You know, our last avant-garde artist died in 1953; it was Stalin.”

Georgia is changing everyday and Kutateladze said he hopes that through art and Art Villa Garikula, the country will find its way.

“Everybody has the right to build his own paradise. People grew up in socialism. Now they are living in crazy capitalism where the only value is money,” he said. “Art will help them to find their own way. Our art center has a goal to help young people find their future.”

Première publication sur www.caucaz.com

Publication sur www.caucaz.com

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Dentisterie à la mode géorgienne

Hommage à la dentisterie géorgienne pour élites : au choix, chicots ou veritables dents...

Les derniers communistes de Géorgie

L’actuel gouvernement géorgien a définitivement fait le choix de la voie occidentale : libéralisation, privatisations, libre circulation, désir d’adhésion à l’OTAN, regard porté vers l’Union Européenne. Néanmoins, quelques uns résistent encore et toujours à l’envahisseur au sein du Parti Communiste Uni de Géorgie. Voyage dans le temps.

Koko Gagoshvili, 60 ans, vit dans une pièce de 4 mètres carrés attenante au Musée du communisme, rue Kaspiskaya. « Le capitalisme, c’est le sida des travailleurs et des paysans » embraye-t-il dès mon arrivée, « L’Amérique et l’Europe sont des affairistes, dans 20 ans renaîtra l’URSS ! » Ancien officier du KGB, Koko dit savoir tout sur tout, il place néanmoins l’Allemagne à l’ouest de la France…

Dans ce petit parc arboré gît encore le puits et la petite maison que les Bolchéviks avaient investie dans les années 1910. Via le puits, les révolutionnaires descendaient dans une grotte ou des rotatives manuelles imprimaient la première gazette révolutionnaire. Dans leurs rangs se trouvait "le géorgien" Joseph Staline.

« Je ne peux pas te le montrer, tout est inondé en dessous, tu crois que le Gouvernement nous aide en quoi que ce soit ? Ce sont purement et simplement des ennemis du peuple ! », s’exclame Koko le regard plein de haine. Pour un bon communiste, l’état de délabrement du lieu est une véritable catastrophe. A l’époque soviétique, les écoliers et étudiants avaient pour devoir de venir régulièrement en pèlerinage sur ce haut lieu de la résistance bolchévique. « C’est ici qu’a démarré la révolution géorgienne ! »

« Si la Géorgie est aujourd’hui un pays respecté, c’est parce que c’est la patrie de Staline. C’est un dieu puissant pour nous, il avait su rassembler le peuple. Il a libéré le monde et aujourd’hui on veut nous retirer les monuments à sa gloire, c’est la honte de la nation toute entière ! Il y a bien des monuments à la gloire de Churchill ou Roosevelt, et pourtant ils n’ont libéré personne ! », s’indigne Koko.

Quand Akaki Alanya, secrétaire du comité central du Parti Communiste Uni de Géorgie, fait son entrée à l’heure dite, Koko est prié de se taire. En effet, le représentant du parti semble respecter scrupuleusement la ligne officielle. Répondant à ma question sur le nombre de membres que compte le parti, Koko et Akaki se concertent du regard, « Le parti compte plusieurs milliers de membres, à Tbilissi mais aussi beaucoup en régions. »

Akaki énonce d’emblée les trois objectifs fondamentaux de la lutte des camarades géorgiens, « Il nous faut rétablir le socialisme, recréer une union, dans un premier temps, avec la Russie, la Biélorussie et l’Ukraine, et remettre le pouvoir entre les mains du peuple et non entre celles des oligarques et des bandits au pouvoir actuellement. »

Il se ravise et précise, « Mais notre objectif actuel est d’empêcher les forces de l’Otan de mettre le pied sur le territoire historique de l’Union Soviétique. » Il semble que même Akaki présente des lacunes sur l’histoire récente puisque les républiques Baltes, ex-républiques soviétiques et territoires historiques de la Grande Russie, sont bien membres de l’Otan. « Il paraît qu’où les forces de l’Otan passent, l’herbe ne repousse pas pendant cinq ans ! », renchérit Koko.

La stratégie du parti reste secrète m’explique-t-on. Les membres se regroupent le lundi en général pour discuter de ce qui se passe « dans le monde communiste », de la stratégie à adopter face aux évènements, et des manifestations à organiser. « Nous sommes le seul parti d’opposition en Géorgie, c’est pour ça qu’on nous montre si peu à la télévision, le gouvernement a peur de nous », explique Akaki, « Nous sommes un parti politique classique, on ne nous achète pas ! Le reste de l’opposition veut le pouvoir, égoïstement, nous on veut le pouvoir pour le peuple. L’opposition reçoit de l’argent du gouvernement pour qu’ils déguerpissent avec leurs tentes. Imagine si Lénine avait reçu de l’argent de Nicolas II! »

En fait, d’autres formations politiques communistes existent en Géorgie mais elles sont moins organisées. « Ils ne se réunissent qu’à la veille des élections », m’explique Akaki.

Si le parti fustige la venue des Occidentaux en Géorgie et les soutiens financiers à l’opposition mais aussi au gouvernement, l’aide de Moscou est accueillie avec beaucoup plus d’enthousiasme. Le 26 octobre dernier, 6 membres du parti sont partis en délégation à Moscou afin de rencontrer les communistes venus de 16 pays, de la Moldavie à la Lettonie sans oublier les républiques d’Asie centrale. « On a même des liens avec le Canada ! », se permet d’ajouter Koko, ce qu’Akaki s’empresse de confirmer.

« Il faut toujours respecter le Russe », m’avait affirmé Koko auparavant, « Car il a libéré le monde du nazisme. Sans les Russes, vous les Européens, vous seriez encore en train de cirer les bottes des SS! » Dans la pièce qui lui sert de logis, un drapeau de parade soviétique, des photos de Staline, de camarades, de révolutionnaires de la première heure, mais également une peinture d’Irakli II…

C'est que l'avant-dernier roi de Kartlie-Kakhétie, royaume de Géorgie occidentale(1721-1798), avait fait le choix de l’alliance russe au détriment des Ottomans. « En faisant le choix de l’alliance avec la Russie, Irakli II a sauvé la Géorgie, il a choisi la bonne route, la route naturelle », m’explique Akaki. Il semble que l’histoire soviétique de la région est bien ancrée chez les camarades du parti.

Néanmoins le rapport à la religion chez les communistes de Géorgie a été adapté à l’histoire du pays. « Dans nos rangs, certains sont croyants, d’autre athées. Moi par exemple je suis athée mais mourrais orthodoxe. Mon fils est prêtre à Mtskheta et je respecte son choix. Celui qui ne respecte pas l’histoire de son pays, de son peuple, il n’a pas de futur, il meurt. La religion est dans nos racines, dans les racines de l’état géorgien », déclare le secrétaire du parti.

« Nous étions 600.000 en 1921, nous sommes 5 millions aujourd’hui, grâce au communisme ! », m’explique-t-on. Interrogés sur les purges staliniennes, Akaki avance d’abord que les chiffres sont truqués, puis voyant mes quelques connaissances sur le sujet, il argumente : « Sans les répressions en 1937, on serait à la botte des Nazis ! Il fallait nettoyer les ennemis du peuple, c’était pour la santé de la nation et dans l’intérêt du peuple. Tu crois qu’ils font quoi aujourd’hui les dirigeants ? Ils font la même chose, mais pour leur intérêt personnel ! »

Il semble qu’être communiste en Géorgie aujourd’hui, ou pro-soviétique devrait-on peut-être dire, n’est pas sans danger. Il y a quelques mois de cela, Akaki s’est fait rouer de coups au pied de son immeuble par trois hommes cagoulés. Bilan : une dizaine de dents cassés et pas mal de contusions. « On n’a pas peur des menaces, les appels téléphoniques sont constants », explique Akaki, ce à quoi Koko ajoute, « On a perdu notre patrie l’URSS, qu’est-ce qu’on a d’autre à perdre! »

Un troisième camarade qui écoute la conversation explique que son fils a été licencié il y a trois mois quand son patron a appris que son père était communiste. « Si t’es communiste, tu n’as pas de travail ici, il faut te cacher. C’est ça la démocratie ? Alors on se soutient moralement, financièrement, on mutualise. Heureusement, on a des gens qui nous soutiennent psychologiquement par leur discours, comme Vladimir Khomeriki, qui vit à Moscou et est très impliqué dans les relations Russie-Géorgie en tant que président du fond pour l’Union des peuples russe et géorgien », m’explique Akaki en me montrant sa photo dans le troisième numéro de la gazette du parti.

Fréquemment, ce dernier se rend au parlement pour déposer de vaines motions de censure, le parti n’ayant aucune représentation parlementaire. Parfois, quelques communistes osent protester, se montrer, à leurs risques et périls… Tous relativement âgés, ils vivent dans la nostalgie d’une URSS révolue où l’état payait les retraites, assurait les soins mais aussi le chauffage. Où Staline et la Géorgie était respectés au sein de la vaste Union de l’Amitié des Peuples…

Monastère de Chio-Mgvimé

"Il faut toujours respecter le Russe"

Koko GAGOSHVILI.
"J'ai 60 ans mais écris 45, ce sera plus crédible !"
Ancien officier du KGB.
Garde des sceaux du modeste Palais des Soviets déchus de Tbilissi, Kaspiskaya Oulitsa.
"Le capitalisme c'est le Sida des travailleurs et des paysans!"

Article à venir "Le PCUG, le dernier parti d'opposition de Géorgie"

Près du feu...

Gudauri

Mistral’s fear

Within the last 6 months, a lot of speculations has been raising about the possible purchase of a French Mistral by the Russian Federation. First, it was about one Mistral, now it could be four or five. However, a Russian Mistral would considerably increase the power of the Russian fleet. Since then reactions have been quite negative about this project : in Europe, in post Soviet countries, but also in Russia. Overview of different opinions…

First of all, what is the Mistral ? Referred to as « projection and command ship », French mistral is not a kind of destroyer. This ship is capable of transporting and deploying more than 15 helicopters, 13 Leclerc tanks or 1,000 soldiers. It is also equiped with a 69-bed hospital, and double-rooms for soldiers. It means that it’s more like a transporter.

Mistral is useful for fast deploying in any region, but it’s not equiped with heavy military weapons. The aim of Russia in buying such a ship is to obtain this quick force. During the negociations, Russia didn’t really explain what was his purpose. But different officials explained that the French ship was too comfortable for Russia and that they would equiped her differently.

In fact, when negociations started between Paris and Moscow, all the issues of such a deal weren’t clear. Even if Kremlin claimed that this ship would be used against Pirates and Survey in Pacific ocean, fear from post-Soviet countries raised. And when Vladimir Vysotsky, commandant of the Russian fleet, explained that with such a ship Russia would have invaded Georgia in 40 minutes instead of 26 hours, some countries fear became justified.

After meetings and negociations, the final decision hasn’t been reached yet. But some days ago, Jacques de Lajugie, Director of armament at French Ministry of Defense, declared that Russia was finally considering the purchase of four Mistral instead of one.

Sarkozy’s position

French decision to sell Mistral to Russia is mainly motivated by the economic aspect of the deal. A Mistral could be sold more than 500 millions euros, which means employment and growth for the French military industry. The Ministry also explained that other European countries are negociating with Russia, such as the Netherlands with the « Johann de Witt », so why France shouldn’t negociate as other countries do.

On another hand, when the Elysee decided to make these negociations public, it expected reactions from the US, from Europe and also from Georgia. Sarkozy justified the French attitude by saying that the partnership with Russia had to be improved so as to fight against terrorism but also against threats such as Nuclear programs in Iran, or wars in Afghanistan and in Irak. Concerning Baltic states, a French official explained that their fear was not justified because of their membership in NATO, « We are in the same alliance. »

But what about Georgia ? No French official made statement about the future of Georgia. In fact, this is be the most difficult problem for French diplomacy. In August 2008, Sarkozy met several times with both Georgian and Russian sides, and was said to have settled the conflict. Today, selling a Mistral could be analyzed as a betrayal to Georgia.

One of the argument of French Ministry of Defense is to explain that the Mistral won’t be sold with strategic technologies. It means that the boat would be empty, implying no transfer of technologies to the Russian Federation. However, if the ship is working, it wouldn’t be hard for Russian army to install their own military equipments…

The Russian dilemma

On the Russian side, buying a Mistral wouldn’t be harmless. It would be the first time in Russian history that the government buys military equipment abroad, and especially in a NATO State member. The loss of technologies since 20 years, but also bad conditions of Russian fleet are motivating the choice of the Kremlin.

Many observers and politics in Russia are criticizing the project, saying that such a ship could be built in Russia. Ilya Kramnik explains on the website of the press agency RIA Novosti, that Mistral could be launched in 2014 if Russia decides to buy one to France. If Russia built one, it could be launched in 2020 but with less technologies and quality but it also would be less expensive. That means that Russia as to define its priorities.

The international reaction

Immediately, Baltic States but also Georgia were said to be outraged by this negociations. In fact, these ex-Soviet republics fear the influence of Moscow and its will to enlarge its sphere of influence recovering the one it had in Soviet time, against the enlargment of NATO in Estearn Europe.

Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Urmas Paet, asked in last November for more information about the deal and said that the deal would be examinated at both French and European levels. Baltic countries wanted to know if the ship would be sold with strategic technologies, but in fact France explained that it won’t be.

Georgia’s President, Mikheil Saakashvili made a priority of his government the NATO’s membership of Georgia. After 2008 August war, the Russian purchase is merely seen as a threat for Georgia.

This announce was also a cause of discontent for American Congressmen that expressed their opposition to such a project.

When Mistral came to St Peterburg in last November, Russian critics emerged against the French ship that was said to be, « Too comfortable, not military equipped enough, and not protected from flying objects ». Moscow at the same time expressed its will to copy four more in Russia after buying a Mistral in France. The Elysee didn’t commented but was said to be reconsidering its proposition. In fact, the question of the remilitarization of Russia preoccupies Western governments.

Philosopher Andre Glucksmann that supported Nicolas Sarkoy during his campaign expressed his indignation in French newspaper Le Monde, « Providing Putin weapons to a quick landing in Georgia, Crimea or the Baltic States, our message is clear : go ahead ! (…) It’s no more question of stopping tanks on the outskirts of Tbilisi like in August 2008 ! (…) Nicolas Sarkozy is paralyzing his own diplomacy. »

"The end of the Orange plague"

After the second round of presidential elections, Viktor Yanukovytch finally became the new president of Ukraine. Despite the fact that Europe, the U.S. and OSCE observers declared the election free and democratic, on Feb. 10, his opponent Prime Minister Youlia Tymoshenko was still contesting the result.

The Central Elections Commission said that Yanukovytch garnered 48, 95 percent of the vote compared with 45, 47 percent for Tymoshenko, with some four percent of the votes for “against all.” The second round of voting attracted about 69, 07 percent of total voters, slightly more than the 66, 76 percent of votes cast in the first round.

Some political analysts might say that Tymoshenko’s strategy failed. Even, if her political program was said to be more pragmatic, the woman with the braid hair did not convince Ukrainian citizens. After two mandates as prime minister, Tymoshenko failed to stem the economic crisis that severely hit Ukraine’s economy as the GDP decreased by 15 percent in 2009 alone.

For Yanukovytch, it is more than a victory. Elected president at the end of 2004, the strong Orange Revolution brought about his resignation in favor of Viktor Yushchenko. After six years of campaigning in his political stronghold in eastern Ukraine, Yanukovytch is back in Kiev.

As expected, Yanukovytch received a large share of votes from the east, and Tymoshenko from the west, but the rest of the country shunned the elections. Tymoshenko’s block claimed that there was massive corruption in eastern and southeastern Ukraine. In fact, some Western journalists reported cases of the sale of votes and wired transactions, but officials said the cases of voting corruption were not a major trend.

On Feb. 10 Tymoshenko’s party said that they wanted to challenge the results of the vote in court and recount in some areas. Tymoshenko has not issued a statement since Sunday night but her headquarters declared that more than a million votes have been falsified. In fact, the three percent vote differential between the two candidates represents about 800,000 to one million voters. That would lead to a third round of the presidential elections.

“I want to remind Mrs. Tymoshenko that the basis of democracy is the will of the people,” Yanukovytch said. “Democratic leaders always accept the results of the elections. The country does not need a new crisis.”

Many countries congratulated Yanukovytch for his victory. Officials in Russia, who sent an ambassador to Kiev after the first tour, said they expected Yanukovytch’s victory. In fact, the pro-Russian candidate could establish balanced relations with both the EU and Russia. On Sunday, the day of the second round of voting, Mikheil Zurabov, the new Russian ambassador in Ukraine, visited the two candidates but expressed his desire to have Yanukovytch visit Moscow immediately upon winning the election. “It would be a strong signal that Ukraine is ready to restart its relations with Russia,” Zurabov said.

After his election, in an interview to CNN, Yanukovytch explained that he didn’t want to be “Moscow’s puppet,” but he said he would try to balance both relations with the EU and Russia, while working for Ukrainian national interests. He also said that his priority was to secure and stabilize gas supplies.

In the Feb. 9 edition of Kommersant, newspaper owned by the Russian giant Gazprom, an article stated that Yanukovytch would propose to divide the Ukrainian gas network into three equal parts: 33, 3 percent to Gazprom, 33, 3 percent to Naftogaz (the Ukrainian national gas company) and 33, 3 percent to European companies. Such a policy would secure European gas supply because 80 percent of Russian gas to Europe is transmitted via Ukraine. A division of the gas network might also help avoid major crises similar to those that broke out in 2006 and 2008 between Russia and Ukraine that deprived Europe of gas.

Concerning Ukraine’s possible membership in NATO, Yanukovytch told CNN that the people need to decide through a referendum. However, the priorities of the new president remain economic growth, stability and fight against corruption.

“Within 10 years, Ukraine will be part of the top 20 world economies,” Yanukovytch said.
However, the new president will first have to find a majority in the national Rada, co-opting deputies of other parties in order to build a coalition. If he doesn’t succeed, he will have to cooperate with current Prime Minister Yulya Timshenko, his political opponent.

In any case, on Feb. 8 in the heart of Maydan Square, Yanukovytch’s supporters said they felt relieved.“It’s over … It’s the end of the Orange plague.”

Lelo’s Rugby waits patiently for Russia

On Feb. 6, Dynamo Stadium in Tbilisi was under snow. Despite the brutal cold and snowy conditions, the Georgian National rugby team played and pummeled Germany. The game was for the European Nations Cup but it also determined the European qualification for the 2011 Rugby World Cup in New Zealand.

Georgians lead throughout the match. There was a Georgian penalty that gave three points to Germany at the 37th minute. In the end, Georgia won 77 to 3. Later, the German team said that the Georgians played perfectly.

During the match, supported by loud waves of “Sakartvelo, Sakartvelo!,” the Georgian team seemed to improve its tactics. Tim Lane, the trainer, explained during the press conference that his players made many improvements during the game.

At 5 am the next day, players flew to France to continue training before meeting Portugal on Feb. 13.
Lelos has one objective: to be ready to face Russia, the next major opponent, on March, 20, in Trabzon, Turkey.

Ia Khurtsilava, the development Committee Secretary of the Georgian Rugby Union, said the game against Russia won’t be normal. “It’s more politics than sport,” she said.

“They have been training for two months already in South Africa,” player David Khinchagishvili said about Russia. “Within 17 years, they only managed to draw twice against us.”

“Let them train,” Lane said about Russia being in South Africa. “We wait, one game at a time.”
Georgia will play a trio of romance teams, Romania, Portugal and Spain, before squaring off against Russia.

Bergers dans la steppe

Mtskheta

David Garedja

Un taxi...
Ce pays dieu nous l'a donné, Misha le vend...